Trump vs Biden. The Game of the Apocalypse

The upcoming presidential elections in the United States, scheduled for 5 November 2024, hold absolute significance. The outcome of these elections will largely determine the fate not only of the United States and even the entire West, but of humanity as a whole. The world is teetering on the brink of nuclear war, a full-scale and total third world war between Russia and NATO countries, and the decision of who will lead the White House for the next term will ultimately decide whether humanity will continue to exist or not. Therefore, it is crucial to once again survey the two candidates in this election, understand their platforms and positions.

Biden is undoubtedly today a feeble-minded invalid showing clear signs of senile dementia. But, strangely enough, this hardly matters. Biden is merely a facade, a signboard for the firmly entrenched political elites of the Democratic Party in the US, who have reached a solid consensus regarding Biden. Essentially, Biden could govern as a dead body. It would not change a thing. Behind him stands a cohesive group of globalists (sometimes referred to as the ‘world government’), which unites not only a large part of the American deep state, but also the liberal elites in Europe and on a global level.

Ideologically, Biden represents globalism, which is the project of uniting humanity under the rule of liberal technocratic elites, with the abolition of sovereign nation-states and the complete mixing of peoples and beliefs. This is a sort of new Tower of Babel project. Orthodox Christians and many traditionalist Christians of other denominations understandably see this as the ‘coming of the Antichrist’. Globalists (Yuval Harari, Klaus Schwab, Raymond Kurzweil, Maurice Strong) openly talk about the need to replace humanity with artificial intelligence and cyborgs, and the abolition of gender and ethnicity has already become a fact in Western societies. Biden personally has no influence on the realisation of this project. He does not make decisions but merely plays the role of an authorised representative of the international headquarters of globalism.

Politically, Biden relies on the Democratic Party, which, despite the diversity of its positions and the presence of non-globalist poles and figures such as the far-left Bernie Sanders or Robert Kennedy, has reached an internal agreement regarding its support for him. Moreover, Biden’s incapacity scares no one, as the real power lies with entirely different individuals — younger and more rational. But the main point is this: behind Biden stands an ideology that has today become widespread around the world. Most of the world’s political and economic elites are liberal to some extent. Liberalism has deeply penetrated education, science, culture, information, the economy, business, politics, and even technology on a global scale. Biden is merely the focal point of this global web. And within the Democratic Party in the United States, this has taken on its political embodiment. The Democrats in the United States care less and less about Americans themselves and more and more about maintaining their global dominance at any cost — even at the cost of a world war (with Russia and China). In a sense, they are ready to sacrifice the US itself. This makes them extremely dangerous.

American neoconservative circles are in solidarity with the globalist agenda of those behind Biden. These are former Trotskyists who hate Russia and believe that a world revolution is possible only after the complete victory of capitalism, that is, the global West on a worldwide scale. Therefore, they have postponed this goal until the cycle of capitalist globalisation is completed, hoping to return to the topic of proletarian revolution later, after the global victory of the liberal West. The neocons act as hawks, insist on a unipolar world, fully support Israel, and, in particular, the genocide in Gaza. There are neocons among the Democrats, but most of them are concentrated among the Republicans, where they represent a pole opposite to Trump. In a sense, they are the fifth column of the Democrats and Biden’s group within the Republican Party.

And finally, the American deep state. Here we are talking about the non-partisan top tier of government officials, senior bureaucrats, and key figures in the military and intelligence services, who embody a sort of ‘guardians’ of American statehood. Traditionally, there have been two vectors within the American deep state, embodied precisely in the traditional politics of the Democrats and Republicans. One vector is for global dominance and the spread of liberalism on a planetary scale (the policy of the Democrats), and the other is for strengthening the US as a great superpower and hegemon of world politics (the policy of the Republicans). It is easy to see that these are not mutually exclusive lines, but both vectors are aimed at one goal with different nuances. Therefore, the American deep state is the guardian of the overall direction, providing the balance of parties with the choice each time of one of the vectors of development, both of which fundamentally suit the deep state.

At the moment, the Biden group more accurately reflects the interests and values of this highest American bureaucracy.

Biden concentrates a critically important number of power factors — from ideology to the deep state, and, in addition, relies on the support of major financial corporations, the world press, and control over global monopolies. His personal weakness and senile dementia compel the globalists behind him to accelerate undemocratic methods to keep him in power. In one of his recent campaign speeches, Biden bluntly stated that it is time ‘to choose freedom over democracy’. This was not just a slip of the tongue but is the globalists’ plan. If power cannot be maintained by democratic methods, any undemocratic processes may occur under the slogan of ‘freedom’. That is, essentially, the establishment of a globalist dictatorship. The war with Russia will provide legal grounds for this, and Biden may repeat Zelensky’s trick of staying in power after cancelling elections. This could also be chosen by Macron in France, who suffered a crushing defeat from the right in the European Parliament elections, and even Scholz in Germany, who is rapidly losing support. Globalists in the West are clearly considering the scenario of establishing direct dictatorship and abolishing democracy.

For humanity, a Biden victory or simply the fact of his remaining in power in any capacity would be catastrophic. The globalists will continue to build the New Babylon, clinging to the world government, and this is fraught with the escalation of existing conflicts and the start of new ones. Biden means war. Endless and boundless war.

Behind Donald Trump stand completely different forces. He is truly an alternative to Biden and his group of globalists, and much more contrasting. That is why Trump’s first presidential term was a continuous scandal. The American establishment categorically refused to accept him and did not rest until they replaced him with Biden.

Trump, unlike Biden, is a bright, unique, impulsive, and strong-willed personality. Individually, despite his age, he is in good shape, passionate, energetic, and vigorous. Moreover, if Biden is a team player, essentially a puppet of globalist circles, Trump is a loner, embodying the American dream of personal success. He is a narcissist and an egoist, but a very skilful and successful politician.

Ideologically, Trump relies on classic American conservatives (not neocons!). They are often called paleoconservatives. They are the heirs of the traditional isolationist tradition for Republicans, which is reflected in Trump’s slogan ‘America First!’ These classic conservatives defend traditional values: a normal family of a man and a woman, the Christian faith, the preservation of decency and norms familiar to American culture.

The ideology of paleoconservatives in foreign policy boils down to strengthening the US as a sovereign nation-state (hence another Trump slogan, ‘Make America Great Again’) and to refraining from intervening in the politics of other countries when it does not pose a direct threat to US security and interests.

In other words, Trump’s ideological platform is completely opposite to Biden’s ideological platform. Today, this ideology is most often associated with Trump himself and is defined as ‘Trumpism’.

It is worth noting that from an electoral and sociological perspective, this ideology is shared by almost a majority of Americans, especially in the central states between the coasts. The average American is conservatively and traditionally minded, although the culture of individualism makes them indifferent to what others, including the authorities, think. Faith in their own strength forces traditional Americans to view the federal government with scepticism, which by definition only limits their freedoms. It was precisely this direct appeal to the ordinary American — over the heads of the political, financial, and media elites — that allowed Trump to be elected president in 2016.

Since the Republicans include not only paleoconservatives but also neoconservatives, the Republican Party is significantly divided. The neocons are closer to Biden and the forces behind him, while Trump’s ideology runs counter to their fundamental tenets. The only thing they share is the declaration of America’s greatness and the desire to strengthen its power in the military-strategic and economic spheres. Moreover, former Trotskyists have managed over decades of their new policy in the US to create influential and vocal think tanks, as well as to infiltrate existing ones with their representatives. Paleoconservatives have almost no serious think tanks left.

In the 1990s, Pat Buchanan lamented that the neocons had simply hijacked the Republican Party, pushing politicians with a traditional orientation to the periphery. This is a mine planted under Trump.

But on the other hand, for the Republicans, the elections are of great importance, and many major politicians among them — congressmen, senators, and governors — take into account Trump’s colossal popularity with the electorate and are forced to support him for pragmatic reasons. This explains Trump’s critical weight among Republican presidential candidates. For Republicans — not only paleoconservatives but also ordinary pragmatists — Trump is the key to power.

However, the neocons remain an extremely influential group, which Trump is unlikely to risk breaking ties with.

The attitude towards Trump from the deep state has been quite cool from the start. In the eyes of the senior bureaucracy, Trump looked like an upstart and even a marginal, relying on popular and traditional for Americans but still somewhat dangerous ideas. Moreover, he did not have sufficient support in the establishment. Hence the conflict with the CIA and other services that began from Trump’s first days in office in 2017.

The deep state is clearly not on Trump’s side, but at the same time, they cannot ignore his popularity with the public and the fact that strengthening the US as a state does not fundamentally contradict the core interests of the deep state itself. Trump, if he wished, could create a significant support group in this environment, but his political temperament does not suit this. He prefers to act spontaneously and impulsively, relying on his own strengths. This is what endears him to voters, who see in him a familiar American cultural archetype.

If Trump, despite everything, manages to win the presidential election in 2024, the relationship with the deep state will undoubtedly change. Realising the significance of his figure, the deep state will clearly try to establish a systematic relationship with him.

Most likely, the globalists behind the weak Biden will try to remove the strong Trump from the election and prevent him from becoming president at any cost. Any methods may be employed here: assassination, imprisonment, organising riots and protests, up to and including a coup or civil war. Or by the end of his term, Biden may start a third world war. This is also quite likely.

Since the globalists have significant support from the deep state, any of these scenarios could be put into action.

However, if we assume that the popular and populist Trump wins and becomes president, this will, of course, seriously affect global politics.

First and foremost, a second term for a US president with such an ideology will show that the first term was not an accident (for the globalists), but a regular occurrence. A unipolar world and the globalist project will be rejected not only by supporters of a multipolar world — Russia, China, Islamic countries — but by Americans themselves. This will deal a powerful blow to the entire network of the liberal-globalist elite. And most likely, they will not recover from such a blow.

Objectively, Trump can become a trigger for a multipolar world order, in which the US will play an important, but not a leading role. ‘America will be great again’, but as a nation-state, not as a globalist world hegemon.

Of course, this will not automatically stop the existing and unleashed conflicts by the globalists today. Trump’s demands on Russia regarding ending the war in Ukraine will be realistic, but generally quite tough. His support for Israel in Gaza will be as unequivocal as in the case of Biden. Moreover, Trump sees a kindred spirit in the right-wing politician Netanyahu. And regarding China, he will pursue a rather tough policy, especially in pressuring Chinese businesses in the US.

The main difference between Trump and Biden is that the former will focus on rationally calculated American national interests (which corresponds to realism in international relations) and do so with a pragmatic consideration of the balance of forces and resources. While the ideology of the globalists behind Biden is, in a certain sense, totalitarian and uncompromising.

For Trump, a nuclear apocalypse is an unacceptable price for anything. For Biden and, more importantly, for those who fancy themselves as rulers of the New Babylon, everything is at stake. Their behaviour, even in a critical situation, is unpredictable.

Whereas Trump is just a player. Very tough and audacious, but restrained by rationality and evaluations of concrete benefits. Trump is hardly persuadable, but you can strike a deal with him. Biden and his handlers are irrational.

The US elections in November 2024 will answer the question of whether humanity has a chance or not. No more, no less.

Translated by Constantin von Hoffmeister