Moscow is also a front-line city, just like Donetsk, Sevastopol, and Belgorod. A country at war cannot have peaceful cities. It is better to realise this now and deeply. Of course, in a warring country, special behavioural measures and rules must be introduced.
The adoption of Orthodoxy by Vladimir, the Grand Prince of Kiev, marked the starting point of the Christian cycle in Russian history, which spans almost the entire history of Russia — with the exception of the Soviet period and the era of liberal reforms. This cycle represents a complex and multidimensional process, which would be inaccurate to describe as a gradual and unidirectional penetration of Orthodox-Byzantine culture into the folk environment, simultaneously displacing pre-Christian (‘pagan’) beliefs.
Militarisation means shifting society onto a military footing. The scale and main directions of militarisation are open to debate as they depend on the specific historical and geopolitical situation, economic capabilities and resources, political ideology, and cultural dominants. When a country is at peace and its vital interests and very existence are not threatened, excessive militarisation is unnecessary and superfluous.
Everyone understands that on the fronts of the Special Military Operation (SMO), a new elite of Russia is being forged. This is the estate of bravery (Hegel), which is to reboot the state. It is clear that the war heroes at the front are already divided into future strata: pure warriors, commanders, inventors, creators, strategists, economists. Among them is also the forming estate of ideologists. A bright symbol of theirs was Vladlen Tatarsky; many today rally around the front-line philosopher Korobov-Latyncev.
Contemporary social science in Russia needs to catch up in understanding the changes occurring in the country and in forming a sovereign worldview, and it needs to be accelerated, philosopher Alexander Dugin told journalists at the 5th Congress of the Russian Society of Political Scientists in Svetlogorsk (Kaliningrad region).
In Russia, the year 2024 has been proclaimed the Year of the Family. Clearly, in this area, things are quite dire for us. The alarming rates of divorce, abortion, and declining birth rates represent a national catastrophe. If we take the Year of the Family seriously, relying on the classics (but not the liberal or communist ones, as they are likely to advise something that will only hasten the disintegration of the family), we should simultaneously return to our roots and take a step forward.
Certainly, there are those who voluntarily and consciously went to war, already possessing an ideology. There are the convinced rightists (Orthodox, monarchists, imperialists). There are the leftists (Stalinists, anti-globalists). There are left-rightists — National Bolsheviks. By the way, Prigozhin articulated, in many respects, exactly the left-right discourse — justice and strength.
The adoption of Orthodoxy by the Grand Duke of Kiev Vladimir was the starting point of Christian historicity, which covers almost the entire history of Russia - with the exception of the Soviet period and the era of liberal reforms. This historicity itself was a complex and multidimensional process, which it would be wrong to describe as a gradual and unidirectional penetration of Byzantine Orthodox culture into the popular environment, in parallel with the displacement of pre-Christian ('pagan') ideas. Rather, we are talking about different phases of the temporal synthesis between Byzantinism and East Slavic demetriac civilisation, phases determined by the different correlation of the main structures - Byzantine ideology at the elite level and the reception of Christianity by the people as such.
On the threshold of the jubilee congress of the World Russian People’s Council in the Kremlin, which is dedicated to the Russian World, it is necessary to address the very concept of “Russian World” in a little more detail.
Certainly most thinking individuals would agree that in the 1990s, the Russian state was taken over by adversaries who imposed external control over it – over our entire society. Its overarching name is liberalism. Not some ‘bad liberalism’, ‘distorted liberalism’, or ‘pseudo-liberalism’, but simply liberalism. No other kind of liberalism exists. Russian liberals became nodes in this occupation network.
Today the questions, what is Russian philosophy, has it existed, does it exist now, and will it exist in the future, are pressing. But there is an even deeper question, is Russian philosophy possible at all?
Vyacheslav Volodin, Chairman of the State Duma, made a really important post on his Telegram channel, on September 25.
We must do a thought experiment and imagine: what else - other than a nuclear attack - could the West do to us that is at war with us? What sanctions to impose? Who to expel? How to humiliate us? Kick us out of where? Deprive us of what? (We are not considering a nuclear attack, because they won't do it, and if they do, it won't matter, because we will do it too).
Our interlocutor is Russian philosopher, political scientist and sociologist Alexander Gelyevich Dugin, professor at Moscow's Lomonosov State University.
Russia's rapprochement with the DPRK is a wonderful initiative. It was the meetings and negotiations between Russian President Vladimir Putin and Kim Jong-un, the hereditary head of the DPRK belonging to the sunny Kim dynasty, that caused a stir at the WEF. The West commented: stop this rapprochement at all costs, ban any movement of Russia and North Korea towards each other.
The UAV attack on Russian cities by the terrorist forces of the West (Ukraine is increasingly in the shadow of the war waged against us by NATO) was particularly intense tonight. The voices have finally fallen silent: how come? Who didn't keep watch? We should have watched better! Now everyone is beginning to wonder what to do next.
Philosopher and political scientist Alexander Dugin drew attention to an investigation into who the 'international experts', entrenched in the education system, are and how their dependence on the West harms Russia.
Dasha, back at the very beginning of the Special Military Operation, once told me: “Prigozhin is so strong and confident, bold, sharp, that probably no one prays for him. It doesn’t even cross anyone’s mind. Let’s at least start praying for him.”
Our war with the West on the territory of south-west Russia has a characteristic feature: the difference in timing, i.e. in the speed of mobilization, actions and reactions, and decision-making.
My (alas deceased) friend, great businessman and patriot, Mikhail Yuriev, once asked me a question: why is the ideal a zero foreign trade balance, i.e. the situation where the country sells as much as it buys (i.e. the volume of imports equals the volume of exports)? It turns out, he concluded, that the ideal would be to reduce foreign trade to zero, a very good point on which he built his curious book Fortress Russia. The main idea is: Russia should close itself off from the world and build an autonomous society based only on our traditional Russian values. If you want a perfect foreign trade balance, do it. That is a very productive way of thinking.
Absolutely necessary changes are urgently needed in our society. Only they can lead us to Victory. And without Victory, there will be no Russia. Everyone understands this today. To save the people and the state, we must change. And radically and urgently.
Alexander Dugin states that what is happening in Russia is only a "latent civil war," with the people and army on one side and the liberals on the other, opposing additional moves towards patriotism.
Until recently, it was said at all levels of government that Russia is part of Western civilisation, a European country, and indeed it is, it is a child of the West, it is obvious that the West is older, more central and more responsible to its own civilisation, or one can even say that the West is a father, a parent. According to the formula 'Russia is a European country', the West taught Russia what it could do and what it could not do. Yes, the baby was huge and formidable but, from the West's point of view, wild, stupid and probably sick.
Putin's meeting with Prigozhin, by its very fact, sets many accents in the history of the military mutiny.
As no one draws serious conclusions from the March for Justice, the clouds begin to thicken again. So far it is difficult to say what kind of hurricane they will develop into.