We must do a thought experiment and imagine: what else - other than a nuclear attack - could the West do to us that is at war with us? What sanctions to impose? Who to expel? How to humiliate us? Kick us out of where? Deprive us of what? (We are not considering a nuclear attack, because they won't do it, and if they do, it won't matter, because we will do it too).

Our interlocutor is Russian philosopher, political scientist and sociologist Alexander Gelyevich Dugin, professor at Moscow's Lomonosov State University.

Russia's rapprochement with the DPRK is a wonderful initiative. It was the meetings and negotiations between Russian President Vladimir Putin and Kim Jong-un, the hereditary head of the DPRK belonging to the sunny Kim dynasty, that caused a stir at the WEF. The West commented: stop this rapprochement at all costs, ban any movement of Russia and North Korea towards each other.

The UAV attack on Russian cities by the terrorist forces of the West (Ukraine is increasingly in the shadow of the war waged against us by NATO) was particularly intense tonight. The voices have finally fallen silent: how come? Who didn't keep watch? We should have watched better! Now everyone is beginning to wonder what to do next.

Philosopher and political scientist Alexander Dugin drew attention to an investigation into who the 'international experts', entrenched in the education system, are and how their dependence on the West harms Russia.

Dasha, back at the very beginning of the Special Military Operation, once told me: “Prigozhin is so strong and confident, bold, sharp, that probably no one prays for him. It doesn’t even cross anyone’s mind. Let’s at least start praying for him.”

Our war with the West on the territory of south-west Russia has a characteristic feature: the difference in timing, i.e. in the speed of mobilization, actions and reactions, and decision-making.

My (alas deceased) friend, great businessman and patriot, Mikhail Yuriev, once asked me a question: why is the ideal a zero foreign trade balance, i.e. the situation where the country sells as much as it buys (i.e. the volume of imports equals the volume of exports)? It turns out, he concluded, that the ideal would be to reduce foreign trade to zero, a very good point on which he built his curious book Fortress Russia. The main idea is: Russia should close itself off from the world and build an autonomous society based only on our traditional Russian values. If you want a perfect foreign trade balance, do it. That is a very productive way of thinking.

Absolutely necessary changes are urgently needed in our society. Only they can lead us to Victory. And without Victory, there will be no Russia. Everyone understands this today. To save the people and the state, we must change. And radically and urgently.

Alexander Dugin states that what is happening in Russia is only a "latent civil war," with the people and army on one side and the liberals on the other, opposing additional moves towards patriotism.

Until recently, it was said at all levels of government that Russia is part of Western civilisation, a European country, and indeed it is, it is a child of the West, it is obvious that the West is older, more central and more responsible to its own civilisation, or one can even say that the West is a father, a parent. According to the formula 'Russia is a European country', the West taught Russia what it could do and what it could not do. Yes, the baby was huge and formidable but, from the West's point of view, wild, stupid and probably sick.

Putin's meeting with Prigozhin, by its very fact, sets many accents in the history of the military mutiny.

As no one draws serious conclusions from the March for Justice, the clouds begin to thicken again. So far it is difficult to say what kind of hurricane they will develop into.

Today I am particularly concerned about an important question: can we finally break out of cultural one-dimensionality in our interpretation of events, and in particular of the last significant historical incident we experienced, namely Prigozhin's march on Moscow?  When will our thinking stop being flat and one-dimensional and turn to the depths of meaning that lie behind the surface of historical phenomena? 

I have noticed that the consciousness of many people [Russian citizens, ed.] cannot cope with the events of 24 June. So they tend to say: 'it didn't happen'; 'it wasn't real'; 'they were there on purpose'. This is the only way to numb the acute pain of what happened.

The future remains a mystery, an open book that no one can read with certainty. The same can be said about the present and the past; our understanding of them is far from absolute, resulting in diverse interpretations. The future is even more uncertain, especially when considering the ongoing brutal and intimidating conflict we are experiencing now—a battle waged against the united forces of the West.

Roman Golovanov: Alexander Gelievich Dugin is with us, a great Russian thinker and philosopher. Alexander Gelievich, I greet you. Thank you for finding time for our broadcast.

Many are beginning to realise that what is happening cannot be explained in any way by the analysis of national interests, economic trends or energy policy, territorial disputes or ethnic tensions. Almost all the experts who try to describe what is happening with the usual pre-war terms and concepts appear at least unconvincing and often simply stupid.

We read the thesis of the total mobilization in the context of Heidegger, and what do we get out of it? Exactly what Andrei was saying, that total mobilization means changing how one exists. According to Heidegger, there are two fundamental ways of existing, i.e. Dasein: inauthentic and authentic. When Dasein, that is, our human presence, the thinking presence, asks in the world what existence is and turns to its essence and comes face to face with death, because it is death that is the main existential of Dasein.

Many are beginning to realize that what is happening is in no way explained by national interest analysis, by economic trends or energy policy, by territorial disputes, or by ethnic contradictions. Virtually any expert who tries to describe what is happening in the usual terms and concepts of pre-war times looks at the least unconvincing, and more often than not, simply stupid.

The specifics of conducting this survey are to describe the opinion of the 'netizens' [Editor's note: literally, 'netizen' is the fusion of the English words net and citizen, i.e. 'network' and 'citizen', thus translatable as 'net citizen'], the 'Internet Russians'. Are there many of them? Yes, they are many. In sociological terms, Russians can be divided into two categories: 'TV Russians' and 'Internet Russians', which differ significantly in their attitudes. 

SVOの全期間を通じて、ワグネルPMCとエフゲニー・プリゴジンは、ロシア社会と世界社会の注目の的であることに自信を持っていました。ロシア人にとって、彼は勝利、決意、ヒロイズム、勇気、回復力の主要なシンボルとなっている。敵にとっては、憎しみと同時に恐怖と恐れの源である。プリゴジンは、ロシア軍で最も戦闘力が高く、勝利と無敗を誇る部隊を率いるだけでなく、最後まで戦争の要素に完全かつ不可逆的に没入した戦争体験者の心の中にある感情、思考、要求、希望に出口を提供することが重要である。

Mercy is a very important phenomenon, it has no measure. If justice can be measured - an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth - mercy cannot be measured, because it is always something more. It is always excessive. This is, in a sense, undeserved. We speak of mercy, for example, when we spare a defeated enemy. Perhaps, from the point of view of justice, he should be punished or even executed, but we pity him, and therein lies the undeserved mercy. This is the basis of Christianity.

Today, in another part of our 'ABC of traditional values', we are going to talk about the letter 'Zh': life [Editor's note: 'life' in Russian is said zhizn', in Cyrillic жизнь].

We continue our 'ABC of traditional values'. This time we have the letter "I": high moral ideals [Editor's note: in Russian "ideals" is idealy, in Cyrillic идеалы].